On Sun, Jun 5, 2016 at 5:18 AM, <xxxxxx@mail.de> wrote:
Richard,
 
I think you misunderstood my post, or I wasn't clear enough. I am aware that Madden compares the U.S. to the Roman Republic. As I said, it was Edward Luttwalk who compared the U.S. to Rome's Principate (1st to 3rd Century). I was trying to put both into a broader perspective and show that such comparisons are first, nothing new, and second, exaggerated.

And I agree. As does Madden. His argument rests - again as I recall (I read it several months ago now) - on the similarity between what it means to be a citizen in both cultures (ancient Roman and American).

 
What I find unconvincing in Madden's arguments is precisely the comparison of ideals behind US citizens (you are in a better position than I am to judge whether those exists) and the Roman Republic's ones. The Republic was an oligarchy with very little freedom for the masses, where key policies were decided by whoever gained the upper hand among the senatorial classes at every point in time, e.g. securing a consulate. It was not a nice state to live in unless you were a Senator.

The fact that only the higher classes had full rights as citizens of Rome whereas everyone born on its soil (plus anyone else who can pass a citizenship test) has equal rights as an American is not the issue. In both cases, the people behind the political process conceive of themselves in much the same light: as fair-minded, hard-working, virtuous and peace-loving individuals who just want to be left alone to mind their own business and don't want to become entangled in the affairs of outsiders.


If anything, long-run policies were led by the need to secure resources abroad (e.g. 200 years' campaign to obtain Hispania's richesses, starting with the silver and gold mines), and honestly I do not think those are the U.S.' motivations for going abroad (but correct me if I am wrong).

The majority of this conflict falls within the period known as the Crisis of the Republic, during which Rome was transforming from a Republic into an Empire. That is, the conquest was a feature in part of individual consuls attempting to aggrandize their personal status, the better to survive the contest for primacy in the Senate. It also had it's origins in Roman memories of certain tribes from this area being involved in the Punic Wars (e.g. payback).

Even so, the outlines still follow Madden's principles, since it seems that most of the "conquest" was conducted by individual consuls allying with one or another small local power, which alliance then pulled them into conflict with another neighboring small local power. This is why the entire matter took so long to settle. Rome never committed the forces necessary to conquer the whole area, but instead nibbled their way to victory almost by accident. There was no overall plan.

 
I think Madden is falling into the same trap as Luttwalk and emphasizing superficial similarities.

Again, Madden is not comparing the states or the machinery of rule. He is comparing the beliefs of the citizens regarding themselves. That is, their self-images, which are quite similar.
 
Btw, Madden is not a Roman historian---his field is the middle ages, especially the crusades.
 
I stand corrected. I was going by the blurp on the book. I should have known better than that.

Wikipedia's biographical article on him had this to say about Empires of Trust: "His 2008 book, Empires of Trust, was a comparative study that sought elements in historic republics that led to the development of empires. In the case of Rome, he argued that their citizens and leaders acquired a level of trust among allies and potential enemies that was based upon an unusual rejection of hegemonic power."

Madden is not disputing that Rome ruled an Empire or that it did so using military force. He is stating that Rome *acquired* that Empire almost by accident, in the course of attempting NOT to have one. Lesser powers actively sought to become allies and associates of Rome, because Rome kept its word and honored its treaties. Madden then points out that America is pursuing pretty much the same course, for approximately the same reasons and with what will likely be the same outcome. Whether the American Empire will last as long as the Roman one, as well as how and when it will end, remains to be seen. I find Madden's argument rather compelling.
 
Anyway, back to Traveller (if I may), I guess we are discussing all this because the different interpretations of the idea of Empire deliver different flavors for alternative 3Is. The Moot has some parallelisms with the Roman Republic's Senate, but I think the coincidences (with the 3I) stop there. Now, the idea to have an interstellar Empire along those lines (instead of the pseudofeudalism of the 3I) is intriguing. What would be the key elements? For me (YMMV), the essential one would have to be the consulate. That is, instead of a hereditary emperor, the Moot/Senate elects two consuls for a limited time window, typically among its ranks. I see no reason why that should not work. The Romans faced communication problems due to the large distances involved, while the 3I faces communication problems due to the 1-week jump concept, so both can benefit from having a consul with extensive powers travelling to problem regions with his own legions (Rome) / fleets (3I).


One of the early Emperors did this. It's also the rationale for the re-empowering of the Archdukes.
 
The second factor for achieving a 3I with a Roman-republican flavor might be the caste-like system of Plebeians, Equestrians, and Senatorials (not to forget the slaves and other non-citizens), but in practice that would mostly affect only the "core worlds", in very much the same way "provincials" were not universally Roman citizens until the edict of Caracalla in the second Century.

It is quite possible to have such levels of citizenship in the 3I, since this falls below the "grain" of the canon information that we have. Many people - including myself - already postulate a series of ascending classes of Imperial citizenship. In my case, only Imperial nobles and Imperial service veterans are considered Permanent Imperial Citizens, with all the same rights as a modern American and with legal immunity from the jurisdiction of lesser powers than the Empire.
 
The third factor might be hopeless, though. Rome's military power was based on the legions, and at least during the Republic those were recruited (and sometimes disbanded) as needs arose. The ad hoc recruiting of legions makes no sense for the technologically advanced 3I, however, and that probably spoils the parallel: the Navy is really the backbone of the 3I's power, and the fleets are not recruited and disbanded as the Emperor or the Moot see fit. The IN is a rather permanent structure, with the consequence that Navy Admirals would hold considerable power for longer periods than the consuls. In the hypothetic 3I-as-a-Roman-Republic, those Admirals would most likely belong to the Senatorial class, and it would be only a matter of time until one of them would decide to seize power.

That has already happened. It was called the Imperial Civil War (as distinct from the Rebellion).

IMTU, Arbellatra decided to prevent a recurrence by putting the various Imperial fleets at the mercy of local nobles by having the majority of their operational funds coming directly from those local nobles. Yet the local nobles were not given any command authority over the fleets.

As to disbanding legions, the Imperial Army exists during peacetime as a skeleton cadre. It only expands into forces composed of billions of sophonts during times of war.'

So it might not be long before our "republican" 3I became an "imperial Empire" as the OTU's 3I, or worse, it would plunge into civil war as acclamation by the Navy became the only means to become emperor and competing Admirals led fleets against each other (the 3rd century's military crisis or the OTU's barrack emperors come to mind).

As I said . . . that's already happened.

--
Richard Aiken

"Never insult anyone by accident."  Robert A. Heinlein
"I studied the Koran a great deal. I came away from that study with the conviction there have been few religions in the world as deadly to men as Muhammed." Alexis de Tocqueville (1843)
"We know a little about a lot of things; just enough to make us dangerous." Dean Winchester
"It has been my experience that a gun doesn't care who pulls its trigger." Newton Knight (as portrayed by Matthew McConaughey), to a scoffing Confederate tax collector facing the weapons held by Knight's young children and wife.